Spanish citizenship

Though I’m a historian primarily of early modern Spain, I pay close attention to modern Spanish politics, as well, and hope that I’ll have the chance in the not-too-distant future to teach a broad course on modern Spanish history from Fernando and Isabel to Zapatero. As someone interested in questions of Spanish identity and nationhood, it’s hard to avoid seeing connections between the sixteenth century and the present. As J.N Hillgarth, Inman Fox, and others have shown, in the twentieth century competing images and interpretations of Spain’s sixteenth- and seventeenth-century ‘Golden Age’ remained at the center of everything from Francoist propaganda to modern debates about religious minorities and the place of the Catholic Church in Spanish society.

In any case, what has caught my eye today is the Spanish government’s decision to extend citizenship to the descendants of refugees who fled the country during the Civil War of 1936‚Äì1939. From the Reuters report:

As many as 500,000 children and grandchildren of Spaniards who fled the country during Gen. Francisco Franco’s dictatorship can now apply for Spanish citizenship, the Justice Ministry said Monday. Citizens who left Spain from 1936, when its three-year civil war began, until as late as December 1955 — and their descendants — are eligible to apply by producing documents showing that they left the country during those years, the ministry said in a statement.

The decision is interesting not least of all for the impact that it will have on (for lack of a better term) ‘amateur’ historical scholarship on the Spanish Civil War. In my many trips to Spain, I’ve come across a striking number of amateur historians and antiquarians determined to discover, reconstruct, and perserve memories of their town or family which the Civil War, and the post-Francoist “pacto de olvido,” have all but erased. In C??rdoba, for example, I met a young seminarian determined to write a history of the leftist campaign to execute priests in and around his village. In the Archivo Hist??rico Nacional in Madrid, I met an elderly man hoping to unearth evidence that a family member had been executed while a political prisoner of the Francoist regime, in the hope of collecting reparations payments from the state. I can only imagine the number of people I will find on my next trip to the archives…

While democratic Spain has become famous for its unwillingness to deal openly with the legacy of the Civil War and Franco’s dictatorship‚Äîmy favorite author, Javier Mar??as, has written searingly of the silence in his newspaper column and his recent novel Tu rostro ma?±ana‚Äîit’s been my experience that policies like this recent decision to extend citizenship to exiles reflect (and stimulate) a lively humus of amateur history and fragmentary commemoration that may be doing the job of settling accounts with the past that Mar??as and others would rather see conducted at a more public, or professional, level.

This is not to say that I agree or disagree with this, or any other, commemoration policy. Rather, it’s just to observe the resilience of historical memory, and the odd ways that it surfaces, in societies whose official stance toward the past seems to be one of studied indifference.

Click here to read the full article in the New York Times.

Happy Holidays

Normally, I try to keep this newsfeed relatively academic, but sometimes one has to make an exception for Wallace & Gromit … Happy Holidays!

Spring 2009: From Northern Europe to Southern California

This will be a busy spring for me, as on top of the usual teaching and research schedule I’ll be giving several papers. A quick note about the two on which I’ve been working most recently:

  • In early March, I’ll be in Oslo, Norway for a conference, organized by Halvor Moxnes, on “Holy Land as Homeland.” While most of the speakers focus on the supposed origins of modern biblical criticism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, I’m planning to use my paper—entitled “Nihil sub sole novum? Early Modern Approaches to the Holy Land”—to encourage the group to look further back, to the Renaissance, for important precedents for later scholars’ historical and archaeological approach to biblical antiquity.
  • In mid-March, I’ll be at the Annual Meeting of the Renaissance Society of America in Los Angeles. Together with Daniel Stein Kokin and Marion Leathers Kuntz, I’ll be part of a panel on Early Modern Promised Lands. My paper, entitled “Nebuchadnezzar’s Jewish Legions,” traces the legend that Spain was settled by Jews from the Babylonian Captivity through its various incarnations in Renaissance historiography.

Spanish genes in the NYT

Today’s New York Times reports on the results of a study using genetic testing to determine how many Jews and Muslims converted to Catholicism in the 15th and 16th centuries:

The genetic signatures of people in Spain and Portugal provide new and explicit evidence of the mass conversions of Sephardic Jews and Muslims to Catholicism in the 15th and 16th centuries after Christian armies wrested Spain back from Muslim control, a team of geneticists reports.

Read the full article here.

Pietro Martire, postponed

A quick notice for those readers in the Boston area: unfortunately, I’ve had to postpone my Pietro Martire talk until Monday, 15 December (same time and place) due to illness. I hope still to see many of you there!

No Trickster here

As I’ve been working‚Äînot very well, I’m afraid, as I have spent all of the Thanksgiving holiday laid up with a cold‚Äîon my Pietro Martire paper for this week’s Early Modern Workshop at Harvard, I’ve been thinking a great deal about Natalie Zemon Davis’ Trickster Travels. Trickster, Davis’ re-imagining of the fascinating (and ultimately unknowable) life story of Leo Africanus, engages with many of the same themes that my ongoing study of Martire’s Legatio Babylonica has placed in front of me‚Äîwhether they be the intricacies of premodern diplomacy between Muslims and Christians, or the many possibilities for boundary-crossing and self-fashioning that the Renaissance Mediterranean afforded charismatic individuals linving on both sides of the putative Christian-Muslim ‘divide.’ In some sense, I see Martire’s story as a counterpoint to Leo Africanus’s. As one reads Martire’s account of his experiences in Egypt, one can see a committed Christian struggling to understand North Africa on its own terms, in order to relate it to fellow Europeans in their terms. He’s no less of a ‘translator,’ I would say, than Leo Africanus, though his personal story is much less interesting‚Äîat least insofar as it would be impossible even for Davis to turn him into the charmingly enigmatic “trickster” that she makes Leo out to have been.

While my admiration for Davis’ work remains unchanged‚Äîif anything, hearing her former students’ tributes and watching her in action at her 80th birthday symposium only increased it‚ÄîI do, nevertheless, have one big question for Davis about her portrait of Leo Africanus. I will probably begin my remarks on Martire tomorrow evening by justifying my decision to study his embassy, and I plan to make a claim that Spain’s engagement with the Muslim empires of the Levant left a measurable imprint on development of modern Spanish state, society, and culture. In other words, figures like Martire mattered beyond the intrinsic interest of their individual stories. If we take away Ramusio, whose later editions of Leo Africanus’s works were crucial in preserving their author’s historical memory, can the same be said of Leo Africanus? Did his description of Africa demonstrably change Europeans’ impressions of the continent and its peoples? Or does he matter more simply for the possibilities that his individual story reveals? In other words, I suppose I’m asking‚Äîto borrow a distinction beautifully drawn by Jill Lepore in her “Historians Who Love Too Much1‚Äîis he a biographical figure, or merely the vehicle for a microhistory of North Africa and Renaissance Rome?

  1. Jill Lepore, ‚ÄúHistorians Who Love Too Much: Reflections on Microhistory and Biography,‚Äù Journal of American History 88 (2001), 129-144. I should note that I was only reminded of this article, fortuitously, by reading Rebecca Goetz’ terrific syllabus. []

Pietro Martire in the Levant

Pietro Martire, Legatio Babylonica (1516)On 2 December at 5:00pm I’ll be presenting a work-in-progress entitled “Pietro Martire in the Levant: Diplomacy and Orientalism in the Spanish Renaissance” as part of Harvard’s Early Modern History Workshop series. The talk will be held in the Lower Library [=1st floor] of Robinson Hall (map here). A bit of background: Martire (1457‚Äì1526) is one of the most significant of the ‘B-list’ humanists of the Renaissance‚Äîthat is, those humanists who figure prominently in the national historiographies of the Renaissance in their respective homelands, but who rarely share the limelight with internationally-recognized figures like Petrarch or Erasmus. Martire, who was born near Milan but emigrated to Spain as a young scholar in search of the Catholic Monarchs’ patronage, has received rather more attention than many of his fellow Spanish humanists. That is largely due to his eight decades De orbe novo, one of the first histories of the Spanish conquest of the New World.

In my talk I will focus not on the De orbe novo, however, but rather on another, smaller work which Maritre appended to several of its first printings. Entitled simply Legatio Babylonica, it consists of three humanist epistles which Martire first drafted in 1501‚Äì1502 in the course of his embassy to Egypt on behalf of the Catholic Monarchs. As I’ll attempt to show, the Legatio ought to receive as much attention as the more famous De orbe, for two reasons: first of all, because it reminds us of the relatively greater importance of the Near East vis-?†-vis the Americas in shaping Spanish policy in the early sixteenth century; and secondly, because its record of Martire’s reactions to, and negotiations with, the Mamluk empire offer an opportunity to question much of what we think we know‚Äîwhether from Edward Sa?Ød, or more recent books by Nancy Bisaha and Margaret Meserve, for example‚Äîabout the history of “orientalism” in the Renaissance.

I hope to see you there, and to hear your feedback on my talk!

Renaissance Visions of Christian Origins

Listening to HistoryI recently returned from Grand Rapids, MI, where I attended a small conference on “Renaissance Visions of Christian Origins” organized by Kate van Liere, Howard Louthan, and Simon Ditchfield. The conference was marvelous, and I hope to post a some new thoughts about historia sacra here in the near future. In the meantime, though, I should mention one of the ancillary benefits of attending the conference: the opportunity to get to know Calvin College, and Grand Rapids, a little bit better. Calvin has a lovely campus and some very engaged students, and the Grand Rapids Art Museum has quite an impressive collection of prints. Not to be outdone are the Meijer Gardens, a nature preserve-cum-sculpture garden patronized by the supermarket moguls of the same name. Among the open air exhibits we found Bill Woodrow‘s “Listening to History.” Not exactly the most enticing portrait of historical study, is it? However long the hours and hard the work of our conference, at least it never came to this…

Fall Term Office Hours

As the Asst. Director of Undergraduate Studies in the History Department, I’m always happy to meet with students interested in studying history at Harvard‚Äîwhether to answer questions about policy or their intellectual interests. I typically hold four office hours per week, though I routinely spend at least a few additional hours meeting with students unable to attend my regular appointments.

To make an appointment, please visit the Office Hours page of the History Department’s undergraduate resources website (Harvard only).

Empire, Empiricism, and Biblical Criticism

Ernest Renan

In 1860, the Parisian polymath Ernest Renan (1823‚Äì1892) stepped off a ship in Syria and surveyed the landscape that unfolded before him. Renan had come to the Levant on behalf of the French government, assigned by his doting patron Napoleon III to oversee an archaeological inquiry into ancient Phoenician antiquities. Though still young‚Äîhe was not yet forty‚ÄîRenan was already considered a superstar among Western Orientalists, his published scholarship at the cutting edge of nineteenth-century Semitic philology.1 In 1856, he was elected to the great antiquarian Acad?©mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in recognition of his antiquarian studies of the societies of the ancient Levant. Decades after his death, later generations of Orientalists still considered Renan (to quote one among many admirers), ‚ÄúMaster of many languages ancient and modern, erudite in the lore of ages and places, expert in the technique of investigation and interpretation, imbued with the ideal as well as the methods of modern science.‚Äù ‚ÄúHe was master of all the varied and complex material of language, history, tradition, locale, which went into the making of his work,‚Äù he continued, noting that Renan‚Äôs imagination ‚Äúis the imagination of the archaeologist who constructs a city from broken stones, of the paleontologist who conceives an extinct animal from scattered bones and teeth.‚Äù2 Over the course of the next two years, Renan applied his archaeologist‚Äôs sensibilities to his dig, which ultimately would yield a comprehensive and well-received report, 884 pages in length and graced with dozens of leaves of maps and plates illustrating the French team‚Äôs discoveries.3 Reading through this report, it is hard not to agree that, for all intents and purposes, Renan‚Äôs expedition is a good fit for Edward Sa?Ød‚Äôs now-classic paradigm of the ‚ÄúOrientalist‚Äù project‚Äîthe expedition and its report are textbook examples of the French empire‚Äôs attempt to use scholarship in order to lay claim to, or take possession of, the history, artifacts, and terrain of its Near Eastern subjects.4 Read More »

  1. Renan was educated at the Parisian ?âcole Sp?©ciale des Langues Orientales, the Coll?®ge de France, and the Societ?© Asiatique. There exist several excellent biographies of Renan: see Charles Chauvin, Renan: 1823‚Äì1892 (Paris: Descl?©e de Brouwer, 2000); David C.J. Lee, Ernest Renan: In the Shadow of Faith (London: Duckworth, 1996); Francis Mercury, Renan (Paris: O. Orban, 1990); and Harold W. Wardman, Ernest Renan: A Critical Biography (London: University of London, Athlone Press, 1964). []
  2. John Haynes Holmes, “Introduction,” in Ernest Renan, The Life of Jesus (New York, NY: Random House, 1927), 15–23, here at 20–21. []
  3. Ernest Renan, ed., Mission de Ph?©nicie (Paris: Imprimerie imp?©riale, 1864). []
  4. Edward Sa?Ød, Orientalism (London: Routledge, 1978). []